Some fruits are good sources of many nutrients

FRUITS

As with vegetables, some fruits are good sources of many nutrients, including carbohydrates and fiber. In addition, fruits, unlike most desserts, can satisfy your sweet tooth without tipping the scales. Also unlike many desserts, fruits provide our bodies with a variety of important vitamins and minerals.

Choices include:

apple, fresh juice sauce
apricots, * fresh canned in juice dried
banana
berries, ** except strawberries strawberries
cherries
dates
figs, fresh and dried
fruit cocktail, fresh or canned grapefruit, ** fresh canned in juice juice
grapes
kiwi**
kumquats
mango
melon, *** except watermelon watermelon
nectarine***
orange, ** fresh Mandarin sections juice
papaya
peach, * fresh canned in juice
pear, fresh canned in juice
persimmon
pineapple, fresh canned in juice juice
plums
prunes
prune juice
raisins
tangerine**

* Good source of vitamin A
** Good source of vitamin C
*** Good source of vitamins A and C

Vegetables are vital to heart health

VEGETABLES

As excellent sources of vitamins, minerals, complex carbohydrates and fiber, vegetables are vital to heart health. To get the most nutrition from vegetables, eat them raw or minimally cooked (steamed). Keep in mind that each vegetable provides different vitamins and minerals, making variety important. As a role, if the outer portion of the vegetable is edible, that's where you'll find the majority of vitamins and minerals.

One unit in the vegetable group equals 1/2 cup cooked or 1 medium raw vegetable. Choices include:

artichoke
asparagus**
bamboo shoots
beets
broccoli***
Brussels sprouts
cabbage**
carrot*
cauliflower
celery
cucumber
eggplant
greens***(collard, endive, escarole, lettuce, spinach)
kohlrabi
leeks
mushrooms
okra
onion
parsnip
peas
peppers***
pumpkin*
radish
rutabaga
scallions
shallots
squash*
snow peas
string beans
sweet potatoes*
tomato**
tomato juice or tomato-juice cocktail, low-sodium turnips**
water chestnuts
yams*
zucchini

*Good source of vitamin A
** Good source of vitamin C
*** Good source of vitamins A and C

Note: Starchy vegetables higher in complex carbohydrates are found in the grains group. Tomato juice and tomato-juice cocktail are high in sodium. Select the low-salt variety or make your own!

Learning to Relax

All nervous tension has a muscular element, the control of which helps your nervous and emotional as well as your physical state. You cannot command your whole body to relax at one time, but you can easily learn to relax one or two muscle groups at once. When you have learned this simple procedure, you can quickly relieve accumulated muscle tension at almost any time. In the process you will keep both nervous and muscular tension from building up, and maintain a much more emotionally responsive state.

Lie down in a quiet, darkened room. Hold your neck muscles slightly stiff, moderately stiff, quite stiff, then as stiff as you can make them. Now move backwards along the same scale, from totally stiff to quite stiff, to moderately stiff, to slightly stiff, to normal - and then one more step in the same direction, towards looseness and relaxation beyond the original base level. Go through this routine three or four times, until you definitely 'get the feel of it' and can relax your neck muscles at will.

Now you are ready to relax other parts of your body.

Relax your right arm, your right leg, your left leg, your left arm, your scalp, your face, your neck, your back and your tummy muscles. This order - around the clock, then top to bottom - is easy to remember. Do not strive for maximum relaxation of each part: you will relax more thoroughly in a given length of time by focusing your attention on each part only long enough to loosen its musculature through a single 'relaxation command', then shifting your attention to the next body part. After three or four 'go-rounds' you will find yourself drifting into a state of highly restful calm which you can easily maintain for some time.

When you first try part-by-part relaxation, twenty-minute rest breaks in a quiet bedroom work best. After a few weeks, however, you will become good enough at relaxing muscle groups that isolation and quiet are no longer necessary. You can sit in a straight chair with both feet flat on the floor, place your hands in your lap, let your head loll forward, and relax muscle groups in rotation just as if you were in bed. Even when children are playing in the vicinity or dinner is cooking on a nearby stove, you will find that you can readily relax. After two or three 'go-rounds', lift one hand up to shoulder height and let it fall back into your lap like a limp dishrag. Do the same with the other hand. Then resume part-by-part relaxation, perhaps for two to three minutes. Such brief 'refresher slouches' will definitely help to keep tension from building up, of ten with startling effects on your disposition, level of contentment, and sexual responsiveness.

A few more weeks of practice will improve your ability to relax to the point where a set position and chair- or bed supported posture are no longer entirely necessary. Whenever you become conscious of muscular tension you will be able to relax it without interrupting your activities.

Reducing your risk for developing coronary heart disease

In order to increase your chances of success in reducing your risk for developing coronary heart disease, follow these tips:

1. Consult your physician.

2. Monitor your eating and activity behaviors.

3. Familiarize yourself with foods that contain small or large amounts of cholesterol, fats and sodium.

4. Follow the suggested food-group units for a diet of 1600 or 2000 calories, or calculate your own individual energy needs. The less active you are, the fewer calories you can afford to eat without gaining weight.

5. Study the sample menus that follow to assist you in designing your own diet. What is important is that you generally eat as suggested, paying more attention to the types of food you eat and the way the foods are prepared than to exact amounts. Of course, this does not mean you should eat more than suggested if you are trying to lose weight or if you find you are gaining undesired weight. Use your common sense in these matters.

Rebelliousness, Morality, and Psychological Health

The first and most obvious consideration in the relationship of rebelliousness to morality and psychological health is one which by now has passed from iconoclastic protest to virtual stereotype. Nonetheless, it should not be disregarded. It is simply this: rebellionresistance to acculturation, refusal to "adjust," adamant insistence on the importance of the self and of individuality--is very often the mark of a healthy character. If the rules deprive you of some part of yourself, then it is better to be unruly. The socially disapproved expression of this is delinquency, and most delinquency certainly is just plain confusion or blind and harmful striking out at the wrong enemy; but some delinquency has affirmation behind it, and we should not be too hasty in giving a bad name to what gives us a bad time. The great givers to humanity often have proud refusal in their souls, and they are aroused to wrath at the shoddy, the meretricious, and the unjust, which society seems to produce in appalling volume. Society is tough in its way, and it's no wonder that those who fight it tooth and nail are "tough guys," I think that much of the research and of the social action in relation to delinquency would be wiser if it recognized the potential value of the wayward characters who make its business for it. A person who is neither shy nor rebellious in his youth is not likely to be worth a farthing to himself nor to anyone else in the years of his physical maturity.

A second consideration which is certainly no news to most people, but which tends to get lost to psychologists who use phrases like guilt feelings, hostility, and anxiety, is that the healthy person psychologically is usually virtuous in the simple moral sense of the term. Psychologically healthy people do what they think is right, and what they think is right is that people should not lie to one another or to themselves, that they should not steal, slander, persecute, intrude, do damage willfully, go back on their word, fail a friend, or do any of the things that put them on the side of death as against life. This probably sounds like old-time religion, and in fact I am willing to be straightforwardly theological about this. I think there is an objective character to guilt, and when a person is false to his nature or offends against the nature of others then he is in sin and the place in which he has his existence is well described by the word "hell." I take "sin" here to be descriptive of the state of separation from the most basic sense of selfhood, or what some existentialist philosophers have called "the grounds of being." In whatever terms it is put, the fact is that a person is most alive and is functioning in such a way that he knows who he is and you know who he is and he knows who you are when his thoughts and actions are in accord with his moral judgment. The corollary is that when you do what you think is wrong you get a feeling of being dead, and if you are steeped in such wrongful ways you feel very dead all the time, and other people know that you are dead. There is such a thing as the death of the spirit. Many of the people whom we know as patients in our mental hospitals or as prisoners in our jails are in a condition of spiritual death, and their only hope is that someone can reach out to them, break through the walls of their isolation, recognize them. I think that too much has been made of the word love in this connection, for usually it connotes a feeling on the part of the person who is to give the love. The essence of the act of love as I understand it is the act of attention, and the affect that accompanies it in the person who is paying attention may be love, hate, sadness, or what have you. A real fight is an act of attention, a genuine condemnation is an act of attention, an understanding of final defeat is an act of attention. These as well as their positive counterparts are on the side of life, and the person who experiences them is in communication with other living beings and offers to them the possibility of community. The sort of philosophy of psychotherapy that prescribes blandness, nonjudgmentalness, and essential indifference on the part of the psychotherapist is simply a form of human debasement. Paying attention, caring, and being there yourself is all that counts.

One of the therapists there was clearly an incompetent by all standarts. Everything he did was wrong. After about six months of his residency, however, it became apparent that many of his patients were unaccountably getting better. Among his aberrant behaviors were such gross actions as telephoning a patient's foreman at work and telling him to stop bullying the patient, suggesting an unusual sexual technique to another patient whose wife was apparently frigid, and bluntly suggesting to a third patient that he should give up his job as an automobile repairman and get into the dispensing of food. The climax of the latter case was especially gruesome to the clinic, for the patient opened a doughnut shop of his own and on his final appointmerit appeared with a dozen doughnuts of his own making which he presented as a gift to the therapist, who without any insight at all offered them around to various other therapists and his supervisor of whom had difficulty, swallowing them. Goodness knows I am not suggesting, in recalling the case of this incompetent fellow, that all psychotherapists go forth and do likewise, for he was he and we are we. But I will say that he was alive, even though so obviously misguided; to his patients, the only thing that was of consequence was that he cared about them and that he thought there was something different they could do which would be right.

Parent Education and Mental Hygiene

One of the most important points about parent education today is the extent to which mental hygiene principles have worked their way into its materials and procedures. Teachers and school administrators who think of parent education in terms of the earlier activities of parent-teacher groups will find that and with the use of authentic data made available from scientific research at the child development institutes, a significant change has come about. An incredible amount of exceedingly valuable information about children's behavior has been brought within the reach of present-day parents, especially mothers, and a glance into the more recent study courses and publications used by parent and child study groups is distinctly reassuring.

There is a tendency in some quarters to view with suspicion the efforts of groups of parents to learn something about mental hygiene as applied to themselves and to their children. Probably not a large number of parents are as yet actually helped; possibly, too, a certain number are harmed--the psychiatrists report a few parents getting just enough of the jargon and the general point of view to find "problem" children where these do not exist. On the whole, however, it is doubtful whether in any other educational field (except the nursery school) mental health principles have penetrated as far and as well as in the modern plans and practices in parent education and education for family life.

Formerly programs for study [by parents' groups] focused attention exclusively upon the child and included for discussion such topics as obedience, punishment, rewards, curiosity, imagination, habit formation, play, etc. More recently, especially with leaders trained in mental hygiene, interest focuses upon the life of the family groups and upon such items as personality development in family relationships, emotional honesty in dealing with children, etc. In attending such study groups parents are able to learn not only important facts about child growth and the family in a changing world, but also more satisfactory self-direction in their daily relationships with children.

So definitely has mental hygiene entered into modern education for family relations that in nearly all the current definitions mental health as an objective is either explicitly stated or unmistakably implied.

Parent education is a voluntary cooperative effort by parents, studying with qualified leaders (1) to understand more about childgrowth and development, family relationships, the conduct of family life, public education, home-school relationships, and the family in community life; and (2) to grow in ability to take a constructive part in family and community relationships with confidence and satisfaction.

Classification of objectives of parent education reflects clearly, especially in the first three of her list, the recent mental health emphasis in education for family relations:

1. To interpret to parents the findings of specialists in regard to various aspects of child and family life.

2. To modify or change the attitudes of parents toward their children and their behavior.

3. To act as a therapeutic device for relieving personal maladjustment.

With the increased knowledge available about human nature and the ways in which it develops and is modified, education in family relations ceases to be the simple matter it was in the past and is sometimes assumed to be today. Many parents who pride themselves on following to the letter the prescribed rules for the physical hygiene of their children. Even among those who realize the importance of early control of behavior problems, there are many who are deeply concerned when their children lie, steal, or have temper tantrums but attach little or no significance to such unhealthy signs as undue self-consciousness, day-dreaming or jealousy. Still less do they realize that these delinquencies and manifestations of abnormal behavior may be due to their own attitude toward their children. Yet many cases of delinquency in children have been traced to the attempt of parents to make the child's life compensate for their own failure to reach certain goals of achievement; to the fact that the child has for years been buffeted between the rigid discipline of one parent and the extreme laxity of the other; to the dominating attitude of one member of the family group, which leaves the child no opportunity for asserting himself as an individual, and to similar forms of conflict between the needs of the child and the conditions prevailing in his family. Parental attitudes are of fundamental importance.

Personality begins very early and persists very late

Persons concerned with education need to remind themselves constantly that the family has had the child under its influence long before the school and continues to have him throughout school experience. It is in the home, very largely, that the stage is first set for learning patterns of human behavior. Practically unanimous agreement exists among psychiatrists and mental hygienists as to the significance of early family life for mental health.

Possibilities for the school, therefore, are definitely limited at the start. The "education" of the child has been under way for a number of years before he comes to school. What education can do for mental health will depend to a considerable extent on what the family and home have already done; also on what the family continues to do while the youngster is in school. Where the public educational provision includes the nursery school, as it should, the school is able to exert its influence at an earlier stage, of course, but the part of the home remains highly significant even then.

Most authorities believe that the influence of the home and family in making or breaking wholesome personality begins very early and persists very late. Babies in the first year, who showed all the marked differences that characterize later personalities--some slow in their reactions, phlegmatic, dull; others quick, amiable, responding with distinct pleasure to the different stimuli, or with clear evidence of discomfort. At the other end of the scale, there have been some noteworthy cases of adjustment of very difficult boys and girls in foster home surroundings long after older adolescence and beyond.

Clinical case records indicate that the home is still the major force in forming the personality of children. On the ground that home life, quite apart from its physical aspects, may react upon the health of the child by its confusion and discord, or by its harmony and peace, and "this in turn is largely the result of the parents' own emotional adjustment.

It is in the home that the child's needs for affection, security, and opportunities for growth or development, which play so important a part in shaping his personality, are met or thwarted. Even the most affectionate and intelligent parents may not always fully understand the child's needs for security and growth. Security is founded upon the emotional maturity of parents, upon justice, truthfulness, regularity, order and serenity in the home. Opportunities for development can be given the child only by parents who want to see him grow and give him every chance to utilize and enlarge his own powers.

Fully Functioning Persons - Educational Achievement

Schools are anxious that the children they educate grow into fully functioning persons. This has long been an avowed and widely approved purpose of education. We say that education in a democracy should help individuals fully develop their talents. Recently there have been pressures to limit this to intellectual talents. There has been much talk about limiting the school's concern to the full development of the intellect only.

Even with this limited definition of the goals of education, the abilities involved in creative thinking cannot be ignored. There has been increasing recognition of the fact that traditional measures of intelligence attempt to assess only a few of man's thinking abilities. Certainly we cannot say that one is fully functioning mentally, if the abilities involved in creative thinking remain undeveloped or are paralyzed. These are the abilities involved in becoming aware of problems, thinking up possible solutions, and testing them. If their functioning is impaired, one's capacity for coping with life's problems is indeed marginal.

Educational Achievement

Almost no one disputes the legitimacy of the school's concern about educational achievement. Teachers and guidance workers are asked to help under-achievers to make better use of their intellectual resources and to help over-achievers become better "rounded" personalities. But, how do you tell who is an under- or over-achiever? In my opinion, recent findings concerning the role of the creative thinking abilities in educational achievement call for a revision of these long-used concepts.

We are finding that the creative thinking abilities contribute importantly to the acquisition of information and various educational skills. Of course, we have long known that it is natural for man to learn creatively, but we have always thought that it was more economical to teach by authority. Recent experiments have shown that apparently many things can be learned creatively more economically than they can by authority, and that some people strongly prefer to learn creatively.

Traditional tests of intelligence are heavily loaded with tasks requiring cognition, memory, and convergent thinking. Such tests have worked rather well in predicting school achievement. When children are taught by authority these are the abilities required. Recent and ongoing studies, however, show that even traditional subject matter and educational skills can be taught in such a way that the creative thinking abilities are important for their acquisition.

Most of these findings are illustrated dramatically in a study conducted during three years in the University of Minnesota Laboratory Elementary School. We differentiated the highly creative children (as identified by our tests of creative thinking) from the highly intelligent. The highly creative group ranked in the upper 20 per cent on creative thinking but not on intelligence. The highly intelligent group ranked in the upper 20 per cent on intelligence but not on creativity. Those who were in the upper 20 per cent on both measures were eliminated, but the overlap was small. In fact, if we were to identify children as gifted on the basis of intelligence tests, we would eliminate from consideration approximately 70 per cent of the most creative. This percentage seems to hold fairly well, no matter what measure of intelligence we use and no matter what educational level we study, from kindergarten through graduate school.
Although there is an average difference of over 25 IQ points between these two groups, there are no statistically significant differences in any of the achievement measures used either year.

It is of special interest that the children with high IQ's were rated by their teachers as more desirable, better known or understood, more ambitious, and more hardworking or studious. In other words, the highly creative child appears to learn as much as the highly intelligent one, at least in some schools, without appearing to work as hard. My guess is that these highly creative children are learning and thinking when they appear to be "playing around." Their tendency is to learn creatively more effectively than by authority. They may engage in manipulative and/or exploratory activities, many of which are discouraged or even forbidden. They enjoy learning and thinking, and this looks like play rather than work.

Mental Health - what does all this have to do with creativity

There are very legitimate reasons why educators should be concerned about assessing and guiding the growth of the creative thinking abilities. I would like to discuss a few of these.

Schools are legitimately concerned about the mental health of children, adolescents, college students, and adults. They would like to be able to help their students avoid mental breakdowns and achieve healthy personality growth. These are legitimate concerns of education. But what does all this have to do with creativity?

Actually, it has a great deal to do with creativity. There is little question but that the stifling of creativity cuts at the very roots of satisfaction in living and ultimately creates overwhelming tension and breakdown. There is also little doubt that one's creativity is his most valuable resource in coping with life's daily stresses.

In one study, a battery of tests of creative thinking was administered to a group of schizophrenics who appeared to be on the road to recovery. Many of them were being considered for vocational rehabilitation by the State Department of Welfare. These individuals manifested an astonishingly impoverished imagination, inflexibility, lack of originality, and inability to summon any kind of response to new problems. Their answers gave no evidence of the rich fantasy and wild imagination popularly attributed to schizophrenics. There was only an impoverished, stifled, frozen creativity. They appeared to be paralyzed in their thinking, and most of their responses were the most banal imaginable.

Although it will be difficult to prove, I suspect that schizophrenics and others who "breakdown" under stress constitute one of the most unimaginative, noncreative groups to be found. I also suspect that it was their lack of creativity rather than its presence which brought about their breakdowns. Certainly the schizophrenics tested lacked this important resource for coping with life's stresses. Creativity is a necessary resource for their struggle back to mental health.

History of Biochemistry and Its Medical Applications

In contrast with the cosmic earthquake that the study of physics underwent in the years before 1930, change moved tranquilly in the fields of biology and chemistry. Indeed in biology most of the work of the 1920's continued along lines already established in the nineteenth century.
In genetics, the key event was the rediscovery in 1900 of the work of the Bohemian monk Gregor Mendel, who, contemporaneously with the later researches of Darwin in the 1860's, conducted the epoch-making experiments with the crossbreeding of peas that were to form the basis of the whole modern study of inheritance. The most significant outcome of Mendel's discoveries was the identification of indivisible and unalterable units called genes, through whose infinitely varied combination the process of heredity proceeded. This genetic theory seriously undermined Darwin's principle of natural selection. Some geneticists were ready to discard natural selection entirely, some preferred to retain it in modified form, but there was general agreement that acquired characteristics were not inherited. Mendel's original conclusions were reinforced when twentieth-century geneticists began to extend his work to systematic experiments with the fast-reproducing fruit fly, and to apply the calculus of probabilities to their findings. As a result, by the 1920's the new science of genetics had reached a high level of technical exactitude. Moreover, in treating the gene as a basic and indivisible unit, it seemed to confirm Planck's contention that nature proceeded by jumps and in definite quantities rather than through the continuous and imperceptible processes of change that had been postulated by nineteenth-century philosophers of nature.

Another link between biology and the theory of physics was provided by the new science of biophysics, which, along with the related field of biochemistry, accounted for a large part of the progress made in the study of the human body. Perhaps the most dramatic experiments were those of Sir Frederick Gowland Hopkins in 1912, which became the starting point for the systematic investigation of nutrition and the identification of the basic vitamins. For a long time the chemistry of all the vitamins except D remained a mystery. But in 1929, with the chemical breakdown of Vitamin A, there began a period of rapid progress in the analysis and synthetic production of these substances that continued down to the outbreak of the Second World War.

Closely related to this study was the development of the new science of glands and internal secretions known as endocrinology. In the 1920's, the function of hormones began to be understood, and work on the pituitary and thyroid glands proceeded steadily. Discoveries such as these obviously had relevance for medicine. Indeed, a salient characteristic of the decade was that now, for the first time in history, new research in physiology and biochemistry was quickly applied in clinical practice. An astounding advance resulted. In the mid-1920's there began a period of breathtaking innovation that brought more progress in medicine in a single generation than the profession had known in all previous human history.

The discovery of antitoxins, begun in the 1890's, moved on steadily, as did the analysis of the corresponding viruses. By this method, medical research succeeded in eliminating certain diseases almost completely: as smallpox had been routed in the nineteenth century, so the conquest of diphtheria, yellow fever, and tetanus followed in the interwar period. But most diseases resisted this sort of immunization. Although the ravages of tuberculosis, for instance, were enormously reduced, no satisfactory antitoxin was discovered to combat it. In dealing with these stubborn diseases, the development of antibiotics marked the crucial turning point. Beginning with Sir Alexander Fleming's almost accidental discovery of penicillin in 1928, one new drug followed another in a rapid sequence of successful experiments leading to commercial production.

In all these cases, however, there had been a time lag between laboratory research and its clinical application. Not until the Great Depression had focused attention on problems of hunger and want were the new discoveries in the field of nutrition and vitamins fully exploited. Through the necessities of treating vast masses of sick and wounded soldiers in the Second World War, penicillin, the sulfa drugs, and DDT came into their own. These examples suggest the close relationship between social needs and the development of scientific and medical knowledge in our time.

Similarly, in the organization of research, economic and social factors began to exert an increasingly important influence. In the past, the isolated scientist or physician could produce useful and even epoch-making results with the simple equipment of his own home laboratory. By the 1920's, only a wellfurnished laboratory or research institute could contribute to the growth of scientific knowledge. With this change, the problem of the organization and financing of research took on a new urgency. In such respects, a large and wealthy society like that of the United States enjoyed obvious advantages; a socialized country, such as the Soviet Union, held potential assets for the future. Thus even as early as the 1920's, men of science in the three countries that together had accounted for most of the scientific progress of the nineteenth century--Britain, Germany, and France--were beginning to wonder whether the economy and the way of life that had yielded such marvelous results a generation or two earlier, would prove capable of dealing with the unfamiliar and pressing demands of twentieth-century mass society.

School Companions and Friendships

The child's social development during the second half dozen years of his life is marked by important differences in the stability, intimacy, and strength of his friendships, as well as in the character of his play and other interests. Companionship is not so largely determined by propinquity as in the earlier years when the child's range of getting about was narrowly limited to his immediate small neighborhood. Children of similar chronological and mental ages, of similar developmental ages, having a community of interests and common activities, tend to be companions. With the increased experience, mental ability, and, general maturity resulting from age, lines of interest tend to become better defined. All of these conditions mean that his personality is developing and that his patterns of behavior are becoming more definite. Accordingly, the selection of companions becomes less childish and more mature as first puberty, then adolescence, maturity, and middle age approach. In later childhood, however, proximity may still be a factor, because it does provide opportunities for acquaintanceship and more or less intimate understanding. Thus, studies of gangs show that living in the same neighborhood (common environment) and being in the same grade at school are basic conditions underlying the forming of gangs. Other studies seem to show that children prefer as friends those who are quiet, self-controlled, "smart," good in their lessons, strong, and "not silly." At least, these are some of the qualities which they say they prefer.

Factors in the Formation of Groups

During the first four or five years of the child's life the factors that induce the child's contacts with others and the formation of groups seem to be helplessness and need, companionship in play, and common interests in toys or other objects. These earliest groups usually have two members, while later on larger groups are formed. During the years from six to twelve, common interests and activities, similarity in chronological, mental, and developmental ages, are factors underlying the formation of groups. Such groups are more stable and lasting than the rapidly shifting groupings of the pre-school years. Various environmental factors also may be influential, such as living in a certain neighborhood close to some other groups whose activities are well known. At about the eighth to tenth years boys and girls frequently form clubs or gangs of one sort or another. Many of these are short-lived. A name, membership dues, a time and place of meeting, a list of members, and no very definite specified purposes, are common characteristics of many clubs at this age. We have studied many of them among public-school children, ages eight to fourteen. Girls' clubs are common at these ages and are very transitory and short-lived. Boys' clubs seem to be more definite in their objectives and more lasting. It may be that boys feel a keener need for such social groupings. The intimacy, loyalty, and solidarity in some of these groups are truly remarkable, as various detailed accounts of them have shown.

Community feeling, however, seems to be slow in developing. Tattling is found in the earlier school years. Identification of one's self with the group in such a vital way as to regard group success as highly satisfying is also slow in developing. Doing things for the good of the group, as in teamwork, develops gradually. Even several years after the child begins school it may have little motivating power in child behavior. Anyone organizing a baseball team of ten-year-old boys is not likely to have any scarcity of candidates for catching, pitching, first base, and short stop, but he will lack fielders.

Social Concepts of Children Six to Twelve Years of Age

The child's ability to identify facial expressions representing certain emotional states improves with age, as has been noted already. Actual objects may be identified as to use by the age of from two and a half to three and a half years. Simple words such as ball, hat, and stove can be defined by the age of five. The understanding of abstract words is a later development. Only at age twelve can the average child define two of four words such as constant, courage, charity, and defend.

Such concepts as playing fairly, being kind, helping others, and the like have their beginnings in the early pre-school years. Normally they are well developed before the advent of puberty. We must not conclude, however, that having an accurate knowledge of certain social concepts insures their operation in the daily lives of children. Often a notable discrepancy is found between knowledge and overt behavior.

Social Contacts and Adjustment of Later Childhood

Entrance upon school, provides stimuli to many social reactions. The first reactions of children to school are not necessarily complete indications of their social development. Thus, a one-year study of forty seven-year-old boys just entering school showed that thirteen were confident, sixteen indifferent, and eleven were shy. The early over-submissiveness to the teacher's authority tended to disappear during the first six weeks. Considerable disobedience was found, even though the authority of the teacher was clearly recognized and not disputed. Often difficulties arose because the boys did not know exactly what was expected of them, or because they misunderstood the meaning of a given command.

Various schemes for classifying children's social contacts have been devised. One type of classification divides social contacts into, five principal classes. (1) Protective contacts are those in which the shy and submissive or uncertain child attaches himself to the selfassertive. If anything happens to break up the association, the timid child seeks someone else to whom he may attach himself. (2) Social contacts may reveal a certain kind of devotion in which a beloved or popular child is the center of a group, not because of any marked leadership, but because of his gentle, friendly, attractive ways which make so many children like him. (3) Social contacts also may be those of the "leader." (4) Sometimes they show the "despot." (5) A fifth type is that of the child who is socially unsuccessful. Social contacts, characterized as a despotism, tend to diminish by the time children finish kindergarten or enter first grade. Force as a controlling element becomes socially unacceptable and many children give it up. The socially unsuccessful child often is the one who has some physical defect or who has been badly neglected, having torn, dirty, or ill-fitting clothing. Often such children become trouble-makers in school. By the beginning of the school years the range of the child's social reactions is vast indeed. By the age of twelve years, nearly every type of social response has appeared, although the range and complexity of the situations evoking them are far from the scope shown in later adolescence or adulthood.

The Relationship of Language to Social Development

The child's social development is profoundly influenced by his language development. Through language he not only expresses his thoughts and feelings to others, but he understands something of their thoughts, feelings, and desires. Language thus enables the child to understand others and gives him a ready means of influencing their behavior. It helps him in the development of social concepts of more complex and abstract nature. Anyone can observe the great amount of talk or conversation in a group of pre-school children at play, even though much of it may relate to the speaker and his exploits. At the earliest pre-school age, language is not the child's usual means of initiating contacts with others, nor is it the most common means at the age of five or six. Some object or activity of common interest is much more likely to be used to bring about social contacts. Only in later years of childhood and more particularly in adolescence does language hold a relatively important place in making social contacts. It is, however, a very important means of maintaining them, even during the pre-school years. On countless occasions parents and teachers have observed children trying to hold attention by asking questions, by telling about events, or by other conversational efforts.

Social Attitudes of Pre-School Children

Socially indifferent children are rare, however, at the age of four or five years. A few may be observed who seem almost lacking in social perception, and whose behavior is very little influenced by the activities of others. Mental ability has some effect on this characteristic. We have seen feebleminded children ten to twelve years of age who seemed to give no sign of being aware of the presence or activity of other persons. At the very bottom of the scale of intelligence there are always children whose social behavior is practically zero.

Social dependence or social independence may be quite marked in pre-school children, although most youngsters possess this trait in some degree intermediate between the extremes. The social dependence or independence of a child is probably the result of his training, and experience more than of any other factors. We have observed many children in kindergartens of city public schools and in free kindergartens maintained by charitable and philanthropic organizations and have seen timid children lose much of their timidity in groups and develop leadership in group activities. The child on whom satisfactions are bestowed because of his submissiveness, who is threatened into frequent yielding, or who is given no opportunities for spontaneous and voluntary action, is likely to be dependent. When these circumstances operate in the opposite manner, independence results. Since most children receive these stimulations in an intermediate degree, they are neither strikingly dependent nor independent, or else they show these characteristics differently in various particular situations.

The Formation of Friendships During the First Five Years

As nearly as can be told from the available evidence, children are naturally neither friendly nor unfriendly. Friendliness is the outcome of environmental forces, as is also unfriendliness. The meaning of anything to a child is the result of his experiences with it, determined by what it does to or for him, and by what he can do to it. In this respect, people are merely objects in the child's environment. What they mean to him follows directly from his experiences with them. Under one kind of environment he will become friendly, under another, unfriendly. The majority of children spend their early years in homes in which people care for their needs. They are fed, clothed, and comforted, their pain is relieved, and many other things that make for their well-being, happiness, and contentment are performed. Accordingly, we would expect the majority of young children to be friendly rather than unfriendly. A study of two-year-olds shows this to be the case. They were brought it into a small playroom two at a time, each child being paired with each other child of the group, and their responses were recorded. The results showed that friendliness was far more common than unfriendliness -- in terms of score, 89.5 and 20.5, respectively. If children's early experiences with people were marked by abuse, pain, and the like, unfriendliness undoubtedly would be developed instead.

Obviously, the factors which further the formation of friendships in childhood are those which satisfy, please, comfort, or help the child in some way. Factors which hinder or prevent the formation of friendships are those which irritate, anger, pain, or otherwise displease the child. A very long list of specific conditions tending to develop friendliness could be given, and another list conducive to unfriendliness could be set forth. The close contacts incident to living in the same family may lead to bitter hatred or warm affection. If children interfere with each other in any way continually for a considerable period of time, they are likely to become unfriendly and jealous of each other. With young children proximity is a very common factor in friendship and companionship. The child cannot go far from home. Accordingly, he makes friends with children near at hand. Mere propinquity may not be enough to develop companionship, but if the children are near the same age, they are likely to have enough community of interest to become friends. At all ages, it would seem, community of interest is a very important factor conditioning friendship. Children who like to do the same things are likely to be friends, if they have the opportunity to be together so as to discuss their common likes, provided, of course, that other conditions giving rise to friction are absent.

When pre-school children are allowed to form groups freely, sex plays less of a part than with older children who tend to group themselves according to sex. Children, if left to themselves, form groups largely upon the basis of acceptable behavior and ability to enter into the group activities. When race, color, poverty, or riches are factors in the formation of groups of pre-school children, we may be sure that home pressure or the influence of other adults is likely to be responsible for the social discrimination displayed. Such factors otherwise have little meaning or value for the child of four or five years.

A youngster of three or four years of age often forms a strong attachment for some other child and seeks to be with him as much as possible. Such little chums may be seen going home together from nursery school or kindergarten. They are much together at school and out of school, if opportunity can be found. Such friendships may last for several months, although more commonly they last only a few days or weeks. We have observed many of these among kindergarten children four or five years old. Usually two children are chums. Less frequently three may be chums for a while. In one case we observed three boys who became great chums in kindergarten at the age of five. Their friendship continued through the first and second grades, until one of the boys moved to another city. We also have seen a few cases of three girls being chums in kindergarten for a short time. We have seen the close friendship between two boys or two girls lasting for some time in several cases through kindergarten and several years thereafter. We would expect such cases to be found, because some of the children, having the traits which make for friendship, are likely to develop in ways which will continue their being chums. On the whole, however, pre-school children do not maintain such chumships for a long period of time, as nurseryschool and kindergarten teachers often have observed.

Interpretation of Facial Expressions

The early recognition of certain facial and vocal expressions, such as smiling or angry looks and kind or scolding tones, found among infants from the fifth month on, is an important step in understanding the behavior of human beings. We find children showing greater skill along this line as they get older.

More than 70 per cent of the kindergarten children recognized laughter, whereas less than 50 per cent of them recognized fear, anger, or pain. By the age of seven years more than half recognized anger, by eleven, more than half recognized surprise. The course of development may be seen also in the fact that the average number of photographs correctly named was 1.5 at the age of three years, and, nearly four and one-half at the age of eleven. Of course, this test is somewhat artificial because actual facial expressions are mobile or changing rather than fixed or static. Accordingly, we must not conclude that children cannot recognize fear, anger, and pain in a familiar person's behavior until the ages shown in the foregoing study. The addition of vocal expressions is a distinct supplementary aid to the child in identifying the emotional states of a familiar person.

Laughter and Crying of the Pre-School Child

The laughter and crying of children under five years of age have significance in studying their social development. Apparently, 8 more of the two-year-old's laughter takes place when he is unaware of another child's presence and is playing by himself. At a later age, however, the most laughter seems to occur when children are in social contact with other children. Boys seem to laugh most and cry most when with boys. In the latter case, the teasing or amusing nature of the social contact may be a contributing factor.

Responses of Infants to Other Infants

AGE IN MONTHS

Observes other child 4 to 5
Smiles at other child 4 to 5
Cries if other child receives attention 8 to 9
Offers toy to other child 8 to 9
"Lalls" to other child 8 to 9
Imitates movements of another child 9 to 10
Opposes toy being taken away 9 to 10
Organized play activity 10 to 11
Strives for attention by means of "lalling" 10 to 11
Ill-humor if another child moves away 10 to 11
Setting aside toy and turning toward another child 11 to 12

If they noticed them, it was with no interest or emotion. Even the others' movements were of no interest. Such infants played, moved about, cooed, and smiled without any interest or regard for the presence of other infants who were near. Such behavior may be regarded as exhibiting social blindness. The infants who were not socially "blind," that is, those who paid attention to the behavior of others, exhibited varying degrees of independence in social relations. At one extreme some showed a high degree of social dependence. They were much influenced by the presence and activities of other infants. At the other extreme were infants who, equally aware of the presence and activities of others, still showed a great deal of social independence. The socially dependent infant's behavior seemed to be conditioned largely by that of another. He usually copied it or he may merely have watched it. Or if he was not so timid or if his responses were not so readily inhibited, he might go through his little repertory of stunts trying to arouse or please the other. The socially independent infant was aware of the presence of the other and responded to him and his behavior, but did not seem to be dependent upon him. He played with him but was clearly the leader, not being afraid of or intimidated by the other. Children from six months to eighteen months of age possess these characteristics in greater or less degree. Bühler believed that they show them without reference to previous contacts with others, to their being only children, to the home conditions, or to nationality. We may have here early evidence of dominance and submission.

Any reference to infants as socially dependent or socially independent, however, must not be applied too rigidly. We must not think of all children who are not "socially blind" as belonging at either of these other two extremes. Some do belong to the first class and some to the second. Many, however, seem to fall into groupings between the extremes, especially as they pass from infancy to the pre-school and school years. As characterizations of general social attitudes of individuals, Bühler's classes are suggestive and valuable because they throw into clear relief important considerations in the social development of the child. No scheme of classifying children into two or three "types" is satisfactory, however, as is seen in connection with the discussion of child personalities.

Responses of Infants to Adults

AGE IN MONTHS

Returns glance of adult with smiling 1 to 2
Is quieted by touching 1 to 2
Cries when adult who was attending him leaves 2 to 3
Smiles back at adult 2 to 3
Disturbed when approached 2 to 3
Returns approaching glance with "lalling" 3 to 4
Displeasure when loses glance of adult 3 to 4
Quieted by caressing 4 to 5
Disturbed by the sight of people 4 to 5
Striving for attention by "lalling" 7 to 8
Stretches out hands toward adults 7 to 8
Cries when adult stops talking 7 to 8
Strives for attention by movements 8 to 9
Pulls on the clothes of adult 9 to 10
Offers adult an object 9 to 10
Imitates movements of adult with a plaything 9 to 10
Organized play activity 10 to 11

Other Social Responses During Infancy

The infant makes other responses which are indicative of very simple social behavior. Upon the approach of a familiar person the fourmonths-old infant very often raises his arms and stiffens his body slightly in anticipation of being lifted. He also shows some delight upon the approach of the familiar person. Of course, some infants make these responses earlier, but by the age of four months the majority are likely to do so. Infants of this age have some remembrance of events and often seem to look for a face that has disappeared, gazing for some little time toward the place they last saw it. Sometimes infants of four months chuckle or laugh when familiar persons resort to certain playful activities. A month or two later many infants show greater development of social behavior, and respond to other social stimulations. With the development of motor skill, adaptive behavior, attention, discrimination, and language, the infant increases not only the scope of his responses to the presence and activities of other persons, but also the number and types of social situations to which he can respond.

How Infants Respond to the Presence of Other Infants

Babies at four and five months of age frequently seem to be unaware of each other's presence, even though near each other. By the age of six months, however, they actively look around and attract each other's attention. Thus, the infant of six or seven months may touch another one who is near, or he may coo, or hinder the other's activities in some way. We have observed a few babies of five to eight months, placing them two at a time near each other on a bed or couch. The older ones showed distinct evidence of being aware of the presence of each other. Thus, an eight-months-old infant when placed near one of five months reached out and stroked the younger one and then took hold of her arm, cooing, gurgling, and smiling. The younger infant had given no previous sign of seeing the other and was cooing contentedly. Upon being touched, she stopped cooing, turned her head, and looked at the other baby. She did not, however, put out her hand and try to touch the older one. Responses to the presence and activities of adults and older children are observable at an earlier age than are responses to other infants of about the same age, undoubtedly because the former provide more adequate stimuli.

Earliest Social Stimulations and Responses

Since normal infants become able to perceive objects in the environment at about the same time and since all have the fundamental experiences basic to social behavior, a typical sequence of the development of social responses can be described. Some conditioned social responses have been reported during the first month of life. Infants of this age sometimes stop crying when someone speaks, when someone enters the room, or even at the sight of a human face. Although these reactions seem to be responses to the presence of people, caution is necessary in interpreting them in individual instances. Very young infants often stop crying when any stimulus arouses their attention. If something touches him, if any noise or movement occurs, or if he merely relieves his own discomfort by turning to a less cramped position, the same response may be made. Some responses of infants to persons, then, are really social, while in other cases the infant reacts to the person only as a mechanical agent.

By the second month, social responses to persons are more clearly distinguishable. At the age of two full months, many infants will turn the head and eyes toward the sound of a human voice. These responses, of course, do not develop because of any inner social tendency, but are evidences of learned behavior.

The Recognition of Facial and Vocal Expressions

During the first two months of postnatal life the infant's smile at the presence of another human being is not dependent upon the latter's facial expression or tone of voice. The young human is not yet able to differentiate such relatively simple things as smiling and angry facial expressions, or kind and scolding words and tone. If a person bends over the crib of a two-monthsold infant and has a "smiling countenance," the infant may smile in return. But if the adult has an angry expression, the infant also may smile. The, infant even at the age of three or four months probably is unable to differentiate kind and angry looks, tones or gestures, although exceptions occur. From the close of the fourth month, however, infants show distinct signs of differentiating expressions and by the fifth month may cry at the scolding voice and threatening gesture. The child by this time has developed his powers of attention and observation to such an extent that he can watch the face and note any changes in its details. He also is capable of discriminating differences in tone of voice. Perhaps even more important is the fact that he has now learned that kindly expressions typically accompany satisfying ministrations to his needs, while harsh ones imply neglect or even painful punishment. Before the end of the first year he has made a great deal of progress in understanding vocal and facial expressions.

The Learning of Social Behavior

The newborn child is neither a social nor an unsocial being. He is a highly complex organism equipped to respond to certain sorts of stimulations, as has been seen throughout the discussion of infant behavior. He also possesses a high degree of modifiability and significant potentialities for future growth and development. How soon after birth, then, does the child first show evidences of social behavior, of responding to the presence or activities of other persons? What are some of his earliest social responses? What particular kinds of stimulations evoke them? How do infants respond to the presence of other infants? What development of social behavior occurs during infancy and the pre-school years? During the years from six to twelve? What are the causes and significance of conflicts between children? What factors influence the child's social development? What is the significance of social approval, self-assertion, language development, gregariousness and other elements upon the development of social behavior during the first dozen years of life? These are some of the important problems whose answers now concern us.

Although the infant is non-social at birth, he cannot remain so for a very long time. He lives in a society and is constantly dependent upon other people for his welfare and comforts. Accordingly, the infant soon learns to make responses to other persons. As he grows from infancy to childhood, these social adjustments become even more evident.

The Learning of Social Behavior

The earliest social behavior of infants arises from the care and handling given to them by, adults. When a baby is fed, dried, kept warm or petted, he responds by behavior that may be taken to indicate satisfaction. If he is restless or crying, this agitated behavior ceases. With a little greater maturity, positive evidences of pleasure are apparent in the forms of smiling, gurgling, cooing, laughing, and reaching with the arms. Fundamentally, all social behavior is based on these responses to the satisfaction of the infant's bodily needs.

During the early months of life, learning takes place by which these reactions come to be made to persons, rather than only to the actual bodily stimulations. This learning is an example of the operation of the conditioned reaction. Since the mother or nurse or some other adult is always present when these ameliorative satisfactions are administered, the sight, sound, or other symbol of these persons becomes capable of evoking the response. The beginning of social behavior in infants is dependent upon the development of their abilities of perception and discrimination and upon the occurrence of experiences through which they may learn.

Children's Recreational and Social Interests

The play activities of children give valuable clues to the child's nature and needs. In infancy his interests are centered upon manipulating the simple toys and other objects in his hands -- squeezing, pushing, pulling, or striking them upon the table, crib, or high-chair, or attempting to put them in his mouth. The diffuse and random nature of such activities has been reported frequently. By the age of three or four years we find more varied play activities. Playing with toys in the sand pile, building houses with blocks, riding kiddie cars, playing with toy automobiles and wagons, playing house, playing train, playing with dolls, riding tricycle, etc., may be observed. At the age of five years play interests still center about games and activities which are largely individual and solitary, and do not require the participation or cooperation of other children. Jumping, climbing, running, sliding, digging, throwing, lifting, and rolling are whole-body activities performed without any motive of doing one's best or of doing better than someone else. The presence of another child may be resented, and if he has some plaything, a struggle for its possession may ensue.

Children at this age may play in small groups, but often they really are not playing in groups, they are merely near each other while playing. The directed play activities of the kindergarten often involve ring games, rhythmic movement, and singing games. The five-year-old is likely to enjoy construction work. If he is given some direction and if tools are available, he will try to make crude objects, using saw and hammer. Play interests at this age are characterized by the child's engaging in the activity from sheer enjoyment of it, and not to acquire any skill. With further increases of age, the nature of his play interests again changes. By the age of ten or eleven marked differences are seen. The free individual play activities without rules and competition have been displaced by games with rules and with some object or goal. Such games are likely to be largely competitive, with much rivalry in the case of boys. Interest centers on skill and excellence. The games run a definite course, that is, they have a beginning and come to an end. Little cooperation is found. In fact the adult who gets together a group of ten-year-old boys for a baseball or football team is likely to have a surplus of would-be pitchers, firstbasemen, quarterbacks, and centers, but a dearth of fielders and players who do not carry the ball. Emphasis upon speed, strength, and accuracy is characteristic of the play activities of the boy at ten. He is much interested in excelling the others in running, throwing, and the like. Using tools to make things, engaging in bicycle-riding, climbing trees, skating, swimming, camping out, and playing with various kinds of mechanical devices are also much enjoyed. Among girls of ten years, doll play has begun to decline and in the next three years will almost disappear. Playing with paper dolls, making clothes for dolls, participating in various kinds of table games, bicycle-riding, playing on the horizontal bar, house-keeping activities, puzzles, dancing, and dramatic games are common among girls of ten or eleven years.

A conspicuous change in recreational activities is suggested by the percentages of children, at each age up to fifteen, attending the movies, climbing trees, porches, and fences, riding bicycles, and playing marbles. At twelve years of age, two-thirds of the town boys and three-fifths of the town girls attend motion pictures. Nearly half of the eight- and nine-year-old town children also attend. These proportions are in distinct contrast with the smaller percentages who engage in climbing, play marbles, skip rope, etc.

The environment facilitates participation in some play activities and limits it in others, as we would expect. In all of these play problems is found the customary wide range of individual differences. Many play activities indicate the development of social interests. Girls' interests include social dancing, picnics, parties, and "dates," while boys' interests are in football, baseball, and basketball, all of which involve cooperation or teamwork.

Relation of Interest to Aptitude and Maturity

Investigation seems to lend support to the common-sense view that the child having ability in a given thing is likely to have more interest in it than he would in something in which he has little ability, and more interest in it than another child having less ability in it, other things in both cases being equal. Of course, if other things are not equal, they may overcome or outweigh the interest-producing effect of his ability. If, for example, a child does have considerable ability to do something but his experiences with it are loaded negatively with strong emotion, he may have little genuine interest in it. If an incompetent or disagreeable teacher introduces the child to some subject in school, he may have a resultant dislike for it, although he really may have considerable ability in it. Aside from the effect of such irrelevant, unfavorable elements, it seems reasonably well established that interest may be taken as some evidence of ability, provided the child actually has had some vital experience of the thing in question. We do not regard as evidence of interest a mere idle wish to do something, or a desire to do it which is the result of social pressure. The sense in which we use the term requires that it be genuine interest, as defined in the first part of this section -- active, objective, and personal.

Changes in interests are partly dependent upon maturation, as may be seen in the case of children's play interests. The ten-year-old's play activities are different from those of the four-year-old, not necessarily because he has had so much experience with them that he is surfeited by them, but rather because they were suited to a degree of development which he has long since passed. The reading interests of children also vary with age because of differences in, maturity, in intelligence, in outlook, and in experience. Undoubtedly, maturation is a factor in moulding children's interests along many other lines.

Importance of Interests During Childhood

The value of many wholesome interests in the life of the child can hardly be overestimated. They bring him into vital contact with many activities. They provide a wealth of experiences because a child interested in an activity tends to engage in it. Sampling many lines of activity not only serves an exploratory function but also tends toward breadth of personality because of the wide range of experiences. Under these circumstances little danger exists of developing a narrow, one-sided personality. Out of a wealth of experiences may come a desirable breadth of appreciations. A wealth of interests also is important because it facilitates substitution in case of thwarting and helps the child avoid some conflicts which otherwise might arise. If he has many interests, he can, when blocked in respect to one of them, turn the more readily and with less strain from one interesting activity to some other one. Thus, many-sided interests have mental hygiene value not only during childhood, but also during adolescence and adult life.

As the years of childhood pass and the child comes into adolescence, we normally find some interests more permanent and of greater strength. Efficiency is dependent upon a few intense abiding interests which lead to centering attention and effort along some particular lines. Greatest achievement seems to be dependent upon the individual's having a strong abiding interest in the work he is doing. We need not, however, expect the child to have such a narrowed, intense, and relatively permanent interest along some line. He may show a very intense interest in some one thing for a short time and then turn with equal intensity to something else, or he may show much interest in several things simultaneously. During childhood cultivating and developing a wealth of wholesome interests should be an objective of child guidance and control by both parent and teacher.

What extent do interests motivate the child's behavior?

What is meant by interest? To what extent do interests motivate the child's behavior? Of what importance are they in his development? How closely are interests related to aptitude and maturity? What fundamental directions do the child's interests take? What are his recreational, social, intellectual, aesthetic, and vocational interests during the first dozen years of his life? What is the significance of his interests in motion pictures? What are the practical guides and effective laws and principles for developing wholesome interests? These are important questions for all who would understand the forces motivating children's behavior.

The Meaning of Interest. Interest has two diverse meanings in psychological usage. It means a condition or cause of attention; it also refers to the feeling of pleasure resulting from giving attention to something or from experiencing something. Webster defines interest as "excitement of feeling accompanying special attention to some object; concern; as, an interest in Botany." Thus, this term has been used to refer both to the cause and to the result of giving attention or of experiencing. Using the word in the first sense, we say the boy gets out his blocks because he is interested in building a house, or the little girl makes a doll dress because she is interested in having lots of clothes for her doll. Using it in the second sense, that of a resultant feeling of pleasure, we say the child is interested in playing at building a house or making doll dresses. These two meanings, while diverse, are closely related in the experiences and behavior of the child. Interest which is a result of the feeling of pleasure attendant upon some event or experience tends to condition the child in such a way that he later on does attend to that experience, object, or event because of the pleasure which resulted from previously experiencing or attending to it. This is merely saying that the result of a previous response may be, and frequently is, a present cause of repeating that response. Similarly, a present result may be a future cause. At any rate, interests are motives and often have very strong activating influence on the child's behavior.

Genuine interest is the accompaniment of the identification, through action, of the self with some object or idea, because of the necessity of that object or idea for the maintenance of a self-initiated activity. Effort, in the sense in which it may be opposed to interest, implies a separation between the self and the fact to be mastered or task to be performed, and sets up an habitual division of activities. Externally, we have mechanical habits with no mental end or value. Internally, we have random energy or mind-wandering, a sequence of ideas with no end at all, because they are not brought to a focus in action. Interest, in the sense in which it is opposed to effort, means simply an excitation of the sense organ to give pleasure, resulting in strain on one side and listlessness on the other.

Genuine interest is active, projective, or propulsive, is objective in that it does not end simply in itself, as some feelings may, but involves some object of regard, and is personal, signifying direct concern. The emotional side of interest is quite as significant as its active and objective sides.

Habits, Purposes, and Ideals as Motives

Other complex learned motives arise from habit formation and from the acquisition of purposes and ideals. A child who has formed a strong habit of any kind tends to respond with that habitual reaction to the appropriate stimulation. This is one of the greatest values of habit in human behavior. The motivating force of habit is not unrelated to the simpler and more basic forms of motivation, however. To eat at a certain hour is a habit, and an individual becomes restless if his meal is delayed. To eat at some time, of course, is one of the most fundamental of motives, and the particular habit is based on this need. Thus the child may "learn" to like spinach and olives and may have a definite desire for them which he previously did not have. Many more complex forms of motivation shown in social situations have a similar origin. They are based on the original needs of the organism, but are developed through complicated processes of learning.

There is another very important factor in the relationship of habit to motivation. If a child has become accustomed or habituated to an excessive amount of some satisfaction he will be strongly motivated to seek it. The child who has been given candy cries for more. Similarly, the youngster who has been petted and protected in too great a degree is likely to spend the rest of his life looking for sympathy and guidance. To be dependent is satisfying for the child, but to have this satisfaction continued into later life is a social handicap.

Purposes and ideals also are motivating forces in the individual's behavior. A small boy may want a wagon, "skate-omobile," or scooter. He asks his father to get it for him, and the father does so. In this instance, little overt behavior is observable that may be attributed to the drive of his desire, want, or purpose. Suppose, however, that the father cannot afford to buy the scooter. The boy, if suitably trained to depend upon himself for the satisfaction of many of his own wants, may hunt about to find the necessary parts, materials, and tools and set to work making his own "skate-o-mobile" or wagon. For hours he may work at it, making many mistakes, bruising his fingers or getting splinters in them, having to try several times before he succeeds. Or the little girl who makes clothes for her doll has many things to learn and may have such high standards of excellence that she literally will work for hours, asking her mother many questions and doing things over and over, before she is satisfied with the result. Even at a younger age, long before children enter first grade, we see evidence of some purpose or, desire activating their behavior, as, for example, when a child of three or four years of age uses some blocks to build a house. The purpose in mind or incentive is not only a motivating force in the child's behavior, but it is also an organizing force through which his activities are integrated in accomplishing a given goal. The formation of suitable purposes and ideals is one of the most significant processes in the development of effective human personality. Reliance upon self in accomplishing many of his purposes is an excellent thing for the child. Even in infancy it seems desirable that the child relieve some of his own wants. If, for example, he is in an uncomfortable and cramped position and begins to cry, his own wriggling, squirming, and thrashing about are likely to overcome his discomfort. He thus learns to adjust independently, instead of expecting assistance. Purposes and ideals of children are likely to be concrete and relatively simple. They are often the expression or outgrowth of their "interests," which are thus also powerful motivating forces.

Social Motives

In addition to the motives that serve the individual's physiological needs, other forms of motivated behavior relate to his typical contacts with other people, which might be styled his social needs. These social motives were once thought to be primary and native (as by the "instinct theory") but may now be shown to arise from the simpler tissue needs and emotional states. Social motives are learned forms of behavior, and hence may differ considerably from person to person. In spite of individual differences, however, some patterns of social motivation are sufficiently common to justify enumerating them and indicating their principal sources.

(1) The need for prestige or the desire for social recognition is a very important social motive. To the stimulus of the presence of other people, the individual acts in such a way as to win attention, approval, and recognition. Much of the child's behavior is activated by this powerful motive. If deprived of the attention of a group, the child "shows off" or becomes noisy. Even serious delinquency may be motivated in this way, as when a youngster seeks to be a "tough guy" in the eyes of other children. On the other hand, some may find apparent modesty, docility, or humility a means of gaining recognition, as in the case of Uriah Heep who boasted of his "'umbleness."

The need for recognition and attention is derived from the satisfaction of the individual's physiological needs in infancy. Whenever ameliorative satisfactions such as those resulting from feeding, warming, or petting are administered, some person is present and is giving attention to the infant. Moreover, these services are frequently accompanied by kind words, regards, and gestures. Learning occurs, which causes the attention of human beings to be esteemed and sought throughout the rest of life.

(2) Another important social motive is the need for security. Persons, and especially children, need to feel that they are wanted and loved, and that they will be cared for. The origin of this motive is very similar to that of prestige and recognition. Because his needs are so great, the infant must depend on others for his welfare. Although constantly modified throughout the various stages of life, the security motive remains a strong one.

(3) The need for pre-eminence or mastery is very marked in child and adult behavior. Persons seek to excel, to get ahead, to worst rivals, and to overcome obstructions. If frustrated in the normal attainment of this goal, they often will assume an excessive aggressiveness toward substitute objects, resulting in bullying, quarrelsomeness, and, in some instances, delinquency.

The pre-eminence motive seems to be based on the rage behavior of infancy. If blocked or restrained in activity, the infant will display an intense emotional reaction and strong uncoordinated activity. Later, other situations come to arouse the same intensely motivated response, as when commands, the competition of other children, or material obstructions to be overcome, restrain him. The motivation, under proper training, is redirected from useless responses into persistence and effort. The pre-eminence desire is a very useful one in human, affairs, motivating desirable forms of ambition and labor as well as the less socialized efforts toward mastery.

(4) Persons are usually strongly motivated toward conformity. They desire to do the expected thing, to have the appearance of other people; they fear to be "different" or to receive scorn or blame. In a sense, this is the converse of the prestige motive but is not merely a passive desire to avoid losing approval. The conformity motive is undoubtedly related to the fear reactions of the infancy period. Whenever an adequate stimulus for fear, such as painful punishment by parents or a pummeling by child associates, is accompanied by blame, criticism, or condemnation, a conditioning occurs. Thereafter, attitudes of expressed or implied criticism tend to arouse the original strong, fear-motivated avoidance reactions. In general, conformity motivation is an inferior form of drive, which might well be eliminated. Social control is as adequately and more humanely achieved through the milder motives of prestige, security, and pre-eminence.

Native and Acquired Factors in Motivation

Just as native or unlearned responses lie at the basis of all behavior, so the fundamental organic drives are the foundations of all motivation. The essential vigor of human responses arises from the internal conditions of the body. The elementary motives that have been discussed so far may be considered as native ones. Most of these, such as hunger, thirst, unfavorable temperature liberation through the skin, rest and sleep, elimination of waste products, certain aspects of sex, and the effects of emotional states, are internal. Some external stimuli also may be regarded as native arousers of behavior. These include tissue injury and other forms of excessively intense stimulation, and those milder skin stimuli leading to the so-called "love" responses. In general, the internal stimuli are originally more important than the external ones. External stimuli may set off responses, but these are directed, facilitated, or inhibited by the inner state. The total organism, with its characteristic structures and functions as organized into a living whole, possesses the energy and the modes of response which the stimulus, only releases. The key to man and to subhuman forms is to be sought more in the enormously complex energy changes going on within him than in the fortuitous play of outside energies working on him.

In the course of the development of motives, external stimuli come to play a larger part, but the essential controlling forces remain those within the organism.

The Modification of Motives

Problems of child behavior are complicated by the inextricable blending of native and acquired elements. Conditioning, learning, and habit formation begin the transformation of native responses immediately after birth. Acquired motives are largely developments from the early native ones, but the origin and development of a motive activating the child at the age of ten or twelve years only rarely can be traced in adequate detail. Habits, purposes, and ideals are still more complex forms of acquired motives, although even in these, the native elements might be found to furnish important parts of the total pattern, if we could only resolve it into its native and acquired components.

We see this process of modifying or conditioning drives in many features of child development, as when some external stimuli are substituted for the earlier internal native ones. Thus, at first the stimuli to play probably come from within, but later external stimulation may set off these activities, as when the child sees other children with whom he plays. The sight or smell of food may come to elicit responses which are aroused originally only by the actual pangs of hunger. Merely thinking about food may start off the flow of saliva which originally was activated, by the sight or smell of food. Thus, organic drives eventuating in positive (or negative) responses may become conditioned to various external stimuli. The sight, taste, smell, color, or merely the idea of an object associated with some unpleasant event may come to arouse the response originally evoked by that event. A child at a very early age is bitten by a large black dog. For years he may be decidedly afraid of dogs, and he may even find himself making incipient negative responses to a wide variety of objects that in some way resemble the black dog. A boy of six stepped on the tail of a sleeping Scotch collie, whereupon the dog lunged for the boy's throat, but jumped too high, sinking his two tusks in the boy's upper lip. For years the boy had a violent fear of large dogs, although he had always played with dogs and continued to play with dogs which were not strange to him. A boy of ten, trying to slide on the ice on a little pond into which refuse from a paper mill was dumped, broke through the thin ice which covered the shallow water and sank in above, his waist. For some minutes he was doubtful of his ability to extricate himself. Finally he got hold of a branch of a small willow tree and pulled himself toward the bank and out of the thick, slimy, vilesmelling, nauseating stuff. He, too, for years, at the sight of any place where the ground was yellowish, which had a small shallow puddle of clear water on part of it, and had a few small straggly willow trees about, not only felt afraid, but also felt strong disgust and some nausea at the anticipated thick, slimy, vile-smelling refuse. Even now, in maturity, although he cannot recall vividly the appearance of the place where he had the unpleasant experience, he occasionally sees a place which he instantly recognizes as like that of the childhood episode, and has some feeling of disgust and aversion.

It is evident from the above instances that the principal mechanism operating in the substitution of motive-stimuli is that of the conditioned reaction. By the simultaneous occurrence of an external stimulus with the original internal or sufficient one, the former becomes capable of evoking the behavior in question. This pattern of learning applies as clearly in the case of motives, likes, aversions, and interests as in simpler muscular or glandular responses.

Another class of stimuli, words, come to act as motives through the operation of the same processes of learning. The development of language permits the visual or auditory symbols of things to function in place of the things themselves. Commands, offers of reward, soothing commendations, all commonly act as motives at the earliest ages in which language is understood. As the child grows older, the motivating power of language symbols increases with his experience with them.

Other Physiological Conditions as Sources of Drives

When the skin is injured, strong defensive reactions follow, involving the skeletal muscles. If the pain is intense and continues for some time, the smooth musculature also is involved. Gently stroking or patting the skin tends toward relaxation of the muscles. Its therapeutic value in cases of restlessness, nervousness, and insomnia is well known and need not be based upon the psychoanalyst's view of stimulating "erotic zones."

Change or shifting of attention seems also to be a normal human activity, motivated by the boredom which follows a period of attentive regard (which may be too short for fatigue to enter) or by the urge to active seeking of different perceptual or other fields. Whatever the exact nature of this motive may be, we do not doubt its existence. Such a motive or drive is of inestimable value, insuring a wealth of sensory, perceptual, and other experiences.

Emotion as a Source of Motive

Emotional states constitute another important original source of vigorous and directed, or motivated, behavior. In the two preceding chapters, attention was called frequently to the intense character of the emotional response. An emotional state involves an upset condition of the visceral organs, which, in a sense, is not unlike the conditions found in hunger and the other appetitive drives. This visceral state may act as a strong internal stimulus, impelling the individual to activity.

Strong emotional states of the type of fear and rage are likely to stimulate intense physical activities which are, originally, of an uncoordinated nature. A three-year-old who is angered by another child's appropriating a cherished toy may resort to tears, may hold on to the toy, may try to pull it from the other's hands, or may strike, kick, or shove the offender. He selects one response or another according to the circumstances and his own past experiences, but the emotional state is the motivating factor throughout. As children mature, the character of the outward response to emotion usually becomes modified. A young child who is angered may respond by striking. A few years later, when enraged, he may respond only by angry words and facial expression. As he comes into the teens and social pressure is exerting its influence more effectively, he may respond merely by angry looks. As an adult the individual may not change his expression, but may make a remark that does not reveal the inner turmoil that he feels. Even in this last case, however, the stimulating effect of the emotional state may be present, although held in check, and may lead to the highly pertinent reply.

The milder organic states, such as those elicited by a full stomach, by loving attention, or by certain features of enjoying music or art, are sometimes designated as pleasant or relaxed emotions. These also may have an effect on the motivated behavior of the individual, reducing the activity of skeletal muscles and tending toward repose and compliance. Various internal states, therefore, may have the same effects as tissue needs in stimulating the various reactive mechanisms of the individual. The internal drives based on emotion are of great importance in the development of the social motives and in the mental, hygiene of the individual.

Temperature through the skin, Rest and sleep

The human organism tends to maintain a constant body temperature at around 98.6° F. Regardless of weather or season the skin keeps the bodily temperature very nearly constant. Even a variation from normal of a few degrees is a sign of sickness, and a deviation of as much as eight degrees from the usual standard is evidence of very serious illness indeed.

The combustion processes of the body produce or liberate a great amount of heat. The metabolic functions of the body require only a small part of it. The remainder is given off, chiefly through the skin. With variations in the temperature surrounding the body, in the amount of clothing, and in internal bodily conditions (as in fever), marked changes occur in the rate of temperature release through the skin. An excessive rate of release or a subnormal rate is a powerful stimulus to activity. Many writers have emphasized the rôle of temperature and humidity upon man's mental and bodily efficiency and cultural development. They have shown that to torrid and arctic regions have not developed a high state of civilization and culture, and that science, literature, and other forms of art have been developed chiefly in the more favorable temperature of the temperate zones.

Unfavorable temperature liberation through the skin as one of the tissue needs giving rise to fundamental drives to overt behavior, resembling in this respect the great drives from hunger, thirst, and elimination. He also points out the place of this drive in seeking and developing shelter and clothing, and suggests that "the gregarious form of life among some animals at least is undoubtedly an outgrowth of unfavorable skin conditions," and that "their original 'sociability' is a huddling together of individuals who have been restlessly moving about until the warmth of each other's bodies furnished enough heat to allow the organism's to come to, rest -- as is easily observed in the nestling together of very young animals."

Rest and sleep

When the striped or skeletal muscles are fatigued the individual seeks rest, and when they are rested he again seeks activity. Activity and rest thus alternate with each other in a rhythm analogous to that of hunger and eating. Rest is a normal need of the organism and may be required by other factors than muscular fatigue alone. The hygiene value of rest and sleep is well known. The alternation of activity and rest is best seen in the case of the heart. The brief rest period after each beat occupies approximately one-third of the time, so that the heart muscle has abundant rest, which enables it to do its work for all the years of life.

That maturation plays a part in rest and sleep is shown by the decreasing amount of sleep needed as the child passes through the stages of infancy, early, middle, and late childhood, adolescence, and maturity. Problems of social control relate to training the child to sleep at times that meet his own needs and fit in with the convenience of the other members of the household. To regard sleep as a pleasure, and not to use it as a punishment seems highly desirable.

Sex

One of the most powerful drives is that of sex. During infancy and childhood the drive is manifested largely in connection with stimulating the erogenous zones and autoeroticism. The child's natural curiosity about sex is stimulated by many conditions and events in the environment. Inhibitions and taboos often repel the child's innocent and perfectly natural questions on sex matters as something nasty, unclean, or "bad," and prevent him from receiving adequate training. Accordingly, we reasonably may expect difficulties in the individual's control of this powerful fundamental drive along socially approved lines.

Thirst, Elimination Sources of Simpler Motives

Thirst

Drives to overt behavior arise also from dryness of the mucous lining of the mouth and throat. Usually this means also a certain amount of water deficiency in the tissues. Saliva usually keeps the mouth and throat moist. As the body tissues become dehydrated, the saliva is no longer secreted in quantity sufficient to supply moisture to the mouth and throat.

As thirst develops the child or adult becomes restless, and, in fact, shows about the same rhythm phases as in hunger: restlessness, satisfaction, and quiescence. The significance and strength of the drive resulting from this tissue need are similar also to those in the case of hunger. The mechanisms involved are ready to function at birth.

Elimination

Many diverse structures and functional processes are involved in the elimination of waste products from the body. Water is eliminated by the lungs, the kidneys, the skin, and the lower intestine. Carbon dioxide is eliminated by the lungs, soluble salts by the kidneys, salts in solution by the skin, and insoluble waste products by the lower intestine. Of psychological importance are the features of these processes which are subject to modification and control for desirable social development. Breathing and the elimination of waste products by the sweat glands of the skin are well established soon after birth and are little modified by child training except in so far as training in breathing is given for singing, sports, and the like. The eliminative functions involving the bladder and lower bowel are of significance in child training because of their bearing on social adjustments. Adequate control of these processes is necessary for the protection of society, that is, for reasons of sanitation. Their control has significance also because of the social taboos developed about them, such as shame and modesty.

Three phases are observed in the rhythms of bladder and lower bowel elimination, corresponding to those in hunger and thirst. First is the period of accumulating pressure which directly necessitates and stimulates elimination. It is followed by that in which some response is made satisfying the drive. Finally ensues the period of relaxation, rest, or quiescence so far as elimination is concerned. Apparently, sensory experiences are involved, both in the increasing pressure of distention and in the eliminative responses, because voluntary control otherwise would be impossible.

During the first few months of post-natal life these processes are involuntary, but with maturation comes the possibility of developing voluntary control. With increasing age the frequency of these two eliminative responses decreases. The eighth month is usually the time to begin training in voluntary bladder control, and by the age of two years the child normally will be able to keep himself dry in the daytime. Similar control while asleep is not developed so soon, but if training is begun shortly after the end of the first year, control may be expected normally to develop by the end of the third year. Training in voluntary bowel control usually may begin advantageously about the end of the first month, and regular habits may be expected to be established by the end of the third or fourth month. The value of shame as an incentive in developing adequate voluntary control is seriously questioned. Intestinal or digestive difficulties, of course, may be expected to interfere with the regular routine being established for these functions.

Hunger: Physiological Conditions as Sources of Simpler Motives

The simpler types of motivation are based on the fundamental physiological processes of the organism. Although often overlooked or undervalued, these factors are of great importance in human life, and especially so in childhood. Much of the restless activity of the young is motivated by these simple drives, and even some more complex forms of motivation are learned elaborations of them. Among the physiological motives described here are hunger, thirst, elimination, temperature control, rest and sleep, and sex.

Hunger

Hunger is caused by contractions of the smooth muscles of the walls of the stomach, which seem to appear and disappear at regular intervals. That they provide a fundamental drive is well known. The hungry person is restless; the hungry infant likewise is restless and given to much overt activity which tends to subside as hunger is satisfied.

The importance of this drive in human history can hardly be overestimated. Food supply, with "fat" and "lean" years, is a fundamental problem in any national economy. In one primitive group fish was very scarce. Stealing fish was punishable by death, although stealing various other things such as another person's wife was not a capital offense. The hunger drive is equally important in the life of the child, with its implications for overt behavior and general bodily vigor.

The whole mechanism for the intake and digestion of food is ready to function at birth. With growth and maturation come changes, as well as through social control. Sometime around the sixth month the teeth begin to erupt, and when this process has proceeded far enough solid foods are included in the diet. Three phases of the hunger rhythm are found from birth. The period of restlessness, already referred to, is evidence of an organic need. Among infants this may be marked also by crying or other evidences of discomfort. This is followed by the responses of feeding -- sucking and swallowing. Then follows the period of quiescence during which the infant sleeps or is active in some way not related to hunger. In children and adults these three phases also are found. The feeding schedule and other features incident to the satisfaction of hunger (use of spoon, cup, etc.) are arranged not only to meet the child's requirements but also to meet those of society. As children develop, problems of poor adjustment may arise over eating, such as eating between meals, poor or irregular appetite, dislike for or refusal to eat certain foods, refusal of any food, refusal to drink from a cup or to feed self, etc. Lack of regular routine probably is responsible more than anything else for wanting to eat between meals and for poor or irregular appetite. On the whole, maladjustments like these seem to be due primarily to poor training; the child has learned the particular undesirable behavior from the training he has had.

What are the fundamental drives in children?

What are the fundamental drives in children? What are the important motives directing their conduct? How are these developed or modified? Whence do motives come, or what are their sources? What is the relative importance of original nature and learning in motivation? What part do purposes, attitudes, ideals, and interests play in motivating childhood behavior? In what things are children interested at various ages from birth to maturity? These are important problems to which we must now turn our attention if we would secure a fruitful understanding of child nature.

Teachers, parents, and others who guide and direct the behavior of children can do so to best advantage, only if they really understand them. Obviously, such an understanding is dependent upon knowing why the child at a particular time does what he does.

A nine-year-old girl, large for her age, comes home with her best shoes not only covered with mud, but her stockings or socks are also covered with mud halfway to her knees, and splotches of mud are on her dress. The mother has told her "a thousand times" to keep out of the mud and has scolded and punished her for getting her shoes and other clothes muddy. To her the girl's behavior is perverse indeed, and the child may be punished severely for disobeying her mother's previous ultimatum, especially if the mother is crowded with work, has a headache, or is under some other strain. A boy of eight, going to school, takes a short-cut across the corner of a large newly seeded lawn, although he has been told repeatedly to keep out. He is a quiet, well-behaved boy, but persists in cutting across the lawn despite scoldings and threats to notify his parents and the police. Regardless of what is done to handle these two cases, the mother and the lawnowner probably can secure a more effective modification of behavior if they understand why the girl got so muddy and why the boy uses the much objected-to short-cut. The girl, taunted and teased by a young bully's remarks, finally in desperation gives chase through a muddy garden and settles the matter. While on his way to school when in the first grade the boy had been very badly frightened by a cross dog on the next street. He had cut through a vacant lot, and for two years had been going to school this way. A new house had been built and the lot graded and seeded. The boy was still using the accustomed way although the cross dog no longer lived on the next street.

Rational guidance and control of children are contingent upon understanding the motives which activate them.

Some of the earlier attempts at understanding human behavior postulated a series of entities known as instincts which acted as drives, or springs to action. Thus, an individual was said to have a drive or urge to do those things which led to selfpreservation because he had an instinct or instinctive urge of selfpreservation. He was said to want to be with other persons because of the drive from the gregarious or social instinct. If he tore things to pieces this was because of his instinct of destructiveness, or if he put things together in some way it was because of the constructive instinct! On the whole such attempts to understand human motives have not carried us very far. Part of the diffculty, but not all, lies in the fact that the term instinct has been used with at least two diverse meanings. Sometimes it means stimulus arousal of an activity, and sometimes it means a pattern or kind of activity itself. Thus it is used to mean the motivation of an activity, as in pugnacity, curiosity, gregariousnes, parental love, and the like; whereas in other cases it refers to the kind of activity, as when it was alleged that walking, manipulation, collecting, etc., were instincts.

Trying to understand complex human behavior by postulating such entities seems to break down in the study of actual cases. The discussion of mass activity in several previous chapters should make it clear that definite, clear-cut, specific, fixed-inadvance patterns of behavior are rare indeed, and that diffuse, non-specific mass activity is generally the rule, the former developing after experience, learning, or-habit formation has played its part in the infant's development. The definite patterns of response called for by the instinct theory are not found upon careful observation of infants during the first few days or weeks of post-natal life; neither does it seem fruitful to suppose entities (instincts or springs of action) concealed inside us, which, when stimulated, make us do this, that, or some other thing. Such a description of human motivation has little to commend it aside from tradition.